For a characterization of the debate decades that are several, see Robert R. Dykstra, “Quantifying the crazy West: The Problematic Statistics of Frontier Violence, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 40 (Sept. 2009), 321–47. On western bloodshed, but with all the assertion that frontier mayhem ended up being overstated, see Eugene Hollon, Frontier Violence: Another Look (ny, 1978). For the argument that the frontier ended up being violent, however in certain means, see Roger D. McGrath, Gunfighters, Highwaymen, and Vigilantes: Violence regarding the Frontier (Berkeley, 1984), 247–60. On high homicide prices in counties in Nebraska, Colorado, and Arizona, see Clare V. McKanna, Homicide, Race, and Justice into the United states West, 1880–1920 (Tucson, 1997). For an interpretation associated with reputation for homicide across United states areas that looks at wider habits and local particularity, see Randolph Roth, United states Homicide (Cambridge, Mass., 2009). Leonard, Lynching in Colorado; Carrigan, Making of the Lynching customs; Gonzales-Day, Lynching within the western. On Kansas, see Brent M. S. Campney, “‘Light Is Bursting Upon the World! ’: White Supremacy and Racist Violence against Blacks in Reconstruction Kansas, ” Western Historical Quarterly, 41 (Summer 2010), 171–94); Brent M. S. Campney, “‘And This in complimentary Kansas’: Racist Violence, Ebony and White Resistance, Geographical Particularity, together with ‘Free State’ Narrative in Kansas, 1865 to 1914” (Ph.D. Diss., Emory University, 2007); and Christopher C. Lovett, “A Public Burning: Race, Intercourse, therefore the Lynching of Fred Alexander, ” Kansas History: A Journal for the Central Plains, 33 (summer time 2010), 94–115. On mob physical violence in fin-de-siecle southwest Missouri and northwest Arkansas, see Kimberly Harper, White Man’s paradise: The Lynching and Expulsion of Blacks in the Southern Ozarks, 1894–1909 (Fayetteville, 2010). For a 1942 lynching in Missouri’s bootheel, see Dominic J. Capeci, The Lynching of Cleo Wright (Lexington, Ky., 1998). For the full research study of mob physical violence in Indian Territory in 1898, see Daniel F. Littlefield Jr., Seminole Burning: a tale of Racial Vengeance (Jackson, 1996). Zagrando, naacp Crusade against Lynching, 5. On lynching in northeast Texas, see Brandon Jett, “The Bloody Red River: Lynching and Racial Violence in Northeast Texas, 1890–1930” (M.A. Thesis, Texas State University at San Marcos, 2012). A Decent Orderly Lynching: The Montana Vigilantes (Norman, 2004) on vigilantism in Montana in the 1860s, see Frederick Allen. For comprehensive state and territory listings of western, midwestern, and lynchings that are northeastern see “Appendix: Lynchings when you look at the Northeast, Midwest, and West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 261–317. The Lost Region: Toward a Revival of Midwestern History (Iowa City, 2013) for a recent assessment of midwestern history, see Jon K. Lauck. Feimster, Southern Horrors. For the interpretation of females and kids in western lynching, see Helen McLure, “‘Who Dares to create This Female a Woman? ’: Lynching, Gender, and customs into the Nineteenth-Century U.S. West, ” in Lynching beyond Dixie, ed. Pfeifer, 21–53.
On postbellum lynchings of whites in Alabama as well as other states that are southern see John Howard Ratliff, “‘In Hot Blood’: White-on-White Lynching together with Privileges of Race into the United states South, 1889–1910” (Ph.D. Diss., University of Alabama, 2007). Walter Howard, Extralegal Violence in Florida through the 1930s (Cranbury, 1995). Wright, Racial Violence in Kentucky, 19–60; Carrigan, Making of a Lynching customs, 112–31; Gilles Vandal, Rethinking Southern Violence: Homicides in Post–Civil War Louisiana, 1866–1884 (Columbus, 2000), 90–109; Baker, This Mob Will Clearly just Take My Life; Bruce E. Baker, exactly What Reconstruction Meant: historic Memory into the American Southern (Charlottesville, 2007), 84–87; Williams, They Left Great Marks on me personally; Thompson, Lynchings in Mississippi, 4–16; Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 81–87. For the current interpretation of racial physical violence within the Reconstruction South, see Carole Emberton, Beyond Redemption: Race, Violence, in addition to United states South after the Civil War (Chicago, 2013). Pfeifer, Roots of Harsh Justice, 32–46. For information documenting 56 mob executions of servant and free African Americans in the antebellum Southern, see “Lynchings of African Us americans into the Southern, 1824–1862, ” ibid., 93–99. For a synthetic remedy for lynching in US history which includes conversation of this colonial and antebellum eras and slavery, see Manfred Berg, Popular Justice: a brief history of Lynching in the us (Lanham, 2011).
National Association when it comes to development of Colored People, Thirty several years of Lynching in the usa. On methodological difficulties with lynching statistics, especially for the areas beyond your Southern, as well as on techniques for compiling an inventory that is national see Lisa D. Cook, “Converging up to a nationwide Lynching Database: current Developments, sexier login ” Historical Methods, 45 (April–June 2012), 55–63. On methodological issues active in the quantification of lynching, see Michael Ayers Trotti, “What Counts: Trends in Racial Violence into the Postbellum Southern, ” Journal of American History, 100 (Sept. 2013), 375–400. I really do not share Michael Ayers Trotti’s view that methodological challenges, significant since they are, may outweigh some great benefits of counting US lynchings.
On British and Irish influences on United states lynching and analysis of U.S. Mob physical physical violence in a context that is global see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 7–11, 67–81, 88–91. In the community that is norwegian collective murder of a Norwegian farmer accused of mistreating their family members in Trempeleau County, Wisconsin, in 1889, see Jane M. Pederson, “Gender, Justice, and a Wisconsin Lynching, 1889–1890, ” Agricultural History, 67 (Spring 1993), 65–82. When it comes to argument that involvement in lynching physical violence against African Us citizens had been a way for Irish, Czechs, and Italians in Brazos County, Texas, to say “whiteness, ” see Cynthia Skove Nevels, Lynching to Belong: Claiming Whiteness through Racial Violence (College facility, 2007). On lynching as well as other kinds of collective physical physical physical violence in structural terms across worldwide countries, see Roberta Senechal de la Roche, “Collective physical Violence as Social Control, ” Sociological Forum, 11 (March 1996), 97–128. Manfred Berg and Simon Wendt, eds., Globalizing Lynching History: Vigilantism and Extralegal Punishment from a global Perspective (nyc, 2011); Carrigan and Waldrep, eds., Swift to Wrath.
When it comes to argument that U.S. Lynching within the long century that is nineteenth respected lynching violence in modern Latin America and sub-Saharan Africa as a significant episode in contested state formation, see Pfeifer, Roots of harsh Justice, 88–91. It is not to reject or elide key structural variations in the contexts for mob physical physical violence among these cultures that are respective. For contrasting interpretations of current Latin linchamientos that are american see Angelina Snodgrass Godoy, “When ‘Justice’ Is Criminal: Lynchings in modern Latin America, ” Theory and community, 33 (Dec. 2004), 621–51; and Christopher Krupa, “Histories in Red: means of Seeing Lynching in Ecuador, ” American Ethnologist, 36 (Feb. 2009), 20–39. For a study of nonstate violence in current years over the diverse elements of sub-Saharan Africa, see Bruce E. Baker, using the legislation into Their Own Hands: Lawless Law Enforcers in Africa (Aldershot, 2002).
I will be grateful to Edward T. Linenthal, Hasan Kwame Jeffries, Bruce E. Baker, and a reviewer that is anonymous their commentary on an early on form of this essay.